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August 15, 2026 – For decades, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) was known as a security club. But with China’s trade among SCO members hitting $523.5 billion in 2025—up from just $12.1 billion in 2001—the bloc’s economic agenda is no longer an afterthought. The bigger question: can that volume of commerce actually translate into productive, shared growth across Eurasia, or is it just a numbers game?
The headline figure, which now accounts for roughly 8% of China’s total foreign trade, is impressive. But trade volume alone doesn’t mean integration. What matters is whether the SCO can move beyond bilateral deals and build a regional network that creates factories, jobs, and supply chains—not just cargo crossings.
From Trade to Production – The Spillover Potential
Beijing’s investment in other SCO members reached $3.3 billion in 2025, with more than 30 economic and trade cooperation zones already operating. These zones span energy, minerals, infrastructure, and new-energy sectors like EVs and lithium batteries. The real value lies in spillovers: when a Chinese factory opens in Uzbekistan, it can create local parts suppliers, train workers, and connect them to wider markets.
But the SCO’s multilateral mechanisms—covering trade, investment, finance, transport, energy, and standardization—still play second fiddle to country-to-country deals. Each member brings different strengths: China has manufacturing and a massive consumer base; Russia exports energy; Central Asian states need infrastructure and diversified routes; India pushes for export diversification and resilient supply chains. These interests overlap, but they don’t always align.
Connectivity Needs More Than Railways
Infrastructure is expanding. The China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway, a long-discussed project, is moving forward. The China-Europe Railway Express ran 13,000 trains in the first seven months of 2026, up 17.6% year-on-year. But a railway doesn’t eliminate customs delays, differing standards, or regulatory red tape.
That’s why the SCO’s work on “soft” infrastructure matters. In 2025, the bloc launched its first standardization cooperation mechanism, covering AI and low-altitude economy. Customs officials are now discussing electronic certification of origin and “Single Window” systems. For businesses, these are not technical details—they can make or break the cost of moving goods.
The Finance Test: A Development Bank Still in the Works
The most telling gap is in finance. At the 2025 Tianjin summit, interested SCO members agreed to establish an SCO Development Bank. But a year later, after a fourth round of consultations in Shenzhen in June 2026, the bank remains a blueprint. As one Asian Development Bank official noted in a recent report, “A regional development bank requires hard decisions on capitalization, governance, and risk-sharing—political will alone isn’t enough.”
Without a functioning bank, large infrastructure projects depend on bilateral loans, often from China’s policy banks. That creates asymmetry. Central Asian countries get capital, but they also get tied to Chinese standards and currency exposure.
A Lighter Model – But Will It Deliver?
The SCO is not trying to become the European Union. It has deliberately chosen a looser structure, preserving national sovereignty while allowing cooperation where interests converge. The Eurasian Economic Union, by contrast, pursues a customs union among a smaller group. The SCO’s flexibility avoids forcing consensus on everything.
But that flexibility also means progress is uneven. Bilateral investment can boom while bloc-wide rules barely budge. The real measure









